Archive for Herzegovina

Post-war Visegrad population

Posted in Uncategorized with tags , , , , , , , on January 4, 2010 by visegrad92

Image: Burnt down Bosniak houses in Borovac near Visegrad. All of Visegrad’s Bosniak population was expelled and murdered during the genocide. Photograph credits: ©Elvis Komic

According to the census taken before the genocide in 1991 the municipality had a population of 21,199: 62.8% of Bosniak ethnicity, 32.8% Serb and 4.4% classified as others. Today the population is almost cut in half, all Bosniaks were expelled or murdered from the municipality. A few elderly returnees are seen in surrounding villages.

One part of Visegrad’s pre-war Serbs left for Serbia or other countries in Europe. Some left because they actively took part in the ethnic cleansing of Bosniaks, others left because they witnessed horrible crimes and thus do not want to live in that town. For example, Branimir Savovic, the SDS Crisis Committee President now lives in Serbia along with a few other high-ranking Visegrad Serb officials. Mile Lukic, Milan’s father who also took part in the persecution of Bosniaks, along with his wife lives in Obrenovac. A few dozen other direct perpetrators live with their families in Serbia. At least two perpetrators live in France, one mentioned a couple of times in the Zeljko Lelek case.

But this does not mean that war criminals do not live in Visegrad anymore. Miladin Milicevic, member of the Visegrad municipality war presidency and former Mayor of Visegrad, lives and works in Visegrad. The man who ran the Vilina Vlas rape motel lives as a pensioner in Visegrad. A few other direct perpetrators work in the State Border Police, Police station Visegrad, State Police “SIPA” etc.

Some Serbs who did not agree with the Municipality policy left Visegrad  when they had the opportunity to. For example, a Serb women, who was a witness in the Vasiljevic case VG 115, left Visegrad in 1994. She was a crucial witness of the murders of Medo Mulahasic and an elderly many Kahriman.

The  largest number of Serbs left Visegrad because of the economic situation in Visegrad and Eastern Bosnia. Every year the number of children in classes is smaller and smaller. Anyone who had the opportunity to leave – left. When a pre-war citizen of Visegrad today walks through Visegrad, he or she can recognize only a few people.

Many Serbs were tricked into leaving their pre-war homes in the Federation and moving to parts of Republika Srpska. A large number of Serbs from Sarajevo and Konjic were re-settled in Visegrad. They were promised new homes and jobs by the SDS-government in 1996 after the Dayton Peace Treaty.

Serbs from several villages in the Konjic area were naive enough to re-settle in Visegrad and other towns in Eastern Bosnia. According to Glas Srpske, a fascist newspaper published in Republika Srpska, around 1.500 Serbs from Konjic villages Bijela, Borci, Ostrožac, Čičevo, Glavatičevo, Bradina, Blace, Donje Selo, Kula etc. re-settled in Visegrad in 1996.

It is important to note, that these Serbs from Konjic were not forced to leave their homes but instead did so on a voluntary basis believing the SDS leadership’s promise of a better life and a creation of an all-Serb state.

Edited: 6.01.2010

“Then they set the house on fire and everyone inside was screaming – I was the only one who got out”.

Posted in Uncategorized with tags , , , , , , , , , , , , on September 30, 2009 by visegrad92

The Guardian
20 August 1992

“Then they set the house on fire and everyone inside was screaming – I was the only one who got out”.

Maggie O’Kane’s 36-hour trek out of besieged Gorazde brought her to Visegrad with its burned houses along the Drina river valley, a small haven for eastern Bosnia’s Muslims driven from home by conquering Serbs. In the valley, the survivors told their story.

Her ears are melted away. All that is left are two waxy, twisted beige blobs like burned out candles. Her forehead is covered in a huge scab that is still healing and her nose is a maze of burst blood vessels.

She holds out her bandaged burnt arms delicately in front, like a Hindu woman at prayer. She says she is the only one who survived. Her name is Zehra Turjacanin. She is aged 31, a textile worker from Visegrad with a Muslim name. This is her story.

“It happened on June 27. Milan Lukic, a policeman in Visegrad, knocked on our door. He had six Serbs with him from Obrenovac. He said we were to go with him.

“There were eight people in my house: my mother, Djulka, my sisters, Dzehva and Aida and their children, Elma who was four, Ensar who was two, Sada who was five, and Selmir who was seven.

“After about 100 metres we went into another house on Bratislav Street. We were told to go in by the balcony. When we got to the balcony door, I saw that there was a wardrobe against the front door and all the windows had been blocked with furniture.

“There were Serbs all around the house and they were drinking. We tried to stay on the balcony but they started to throw stones at us to make us go inside, then they threw hand grenades. We went inside and it was full of people. They were crying.

“We were the last ones in and then the Serbs took a garage door from another house and put it up against the balcony, so we couldn’t get out. It was just after eight, when the curfew starts in Visegrad, and we were all in a sort of kitchen-dining room. I saw about 10 babies and some old people, but it was mostly families.

“I think there were about 70 people in that room. They weren’t screaming or banging on the doors, just crying because they knew what was going to happen.

“I said to my mother, ‘Don’t worry, they won’t kill us’. Then they set the house on fire and everyone inside was screaming, but nobody could get out. I saw the window in the garage door and I pulled myself through it.

“I was the only one who got out. I was wearing trousers, a jumper and a cardigan, and I pulled off my burning clothes. Outside the Chetniks were standing around watching the house burning. They were drunk and playing music very, very loud, so no one could hear the sound of the burning people screaming inside.

“One of the Chetniks saw me and shouted at me to stop, but they were far away from the house because of the big blaze. Then he just shrugged his shoulders and I ran and hid. I was the only one that survived.

“At one in the morning, I knocked on Ismeta Kurspahic’s door with my foot, and then I went to the Chetnik’s headquarters and I said to the commander: ‘Kill me, just kill me.’ But he said he wouldn’t and he brought Dr Vasiljevic to me and then took me to an old woman’s house.

“I stayed there for a day and then the old woman said Milan Lukic was looking for me, because I was the only one that survived and I knew. So I hid in the cemetery. Then I walked for 18 days and the territorial defence found me and they brought me here.”

Here is the mountain village of Medjedja, in a place the Muslims call the Valley of Freedom. It is a stretch of beautiful Bosnian countryside along the rivers Praca and Drina that wind their way below pine forests and through villages. A 50-mile stretch of the valley that is a last sanctuary for people like Zehra Turjacanin.

Thousands of Muslims have fled here, driven out from towns like Visegrad, Foca and Rogatica, to find peace in this valley. But once inside they are trapped – surrounded by the Serbs. “A bird cannot pass from here,” said one refugee.

But last Friday afternoon, in the driving thunderstorm, the Serbian checkpoint that guards the western entry to the valley was unmanned.

There is no petrol in the valley, so the mountain road along the Praca river is deserted. The Serbs had been through here in April and May. Burnt-out Muslim homes bear testimony to their coming. The people fled into the mountains while their homes were being looted and then moved back to their burnt-out villages, and the Serbs moved on to richer pastures.

A Bosnian soldier came up from the river bank to say we were in Free Bosnia. “Come to the commander,” he said. But the commander came along the river path to us. He and his men melting out of the trees, dressed in teeshirts, jeans and running shoes and carrying rifles. They were young, most in their early twenties and wearing green headbands. They wanted cigarettes; none had come through to their isolated valley for four months.

This Robin Hood band were going “up” – up in to the hills behind Gorazde to attack Serbian artillery positions. The scout who led the way carried a sack on his back, and the noses of a dozen rockets peeped from behind his right shoulder.

The commander, who had a walkie-talkie, was a electrical engineer before he went to war. He wore a green chiffon headscarf with silver spangles around his head. He paused to write our note of passage into his valley.

In the village of Ustipraca, Nehad Devlic said the Serbs had come in April. Then he was a rich man, owned three restaurants and two cars and a lorry. He fled into the forest and when he came out the Serbs had taken his Alfa-Romeo, his Volkswagen Golf and his lorry and burned down his three roadside cafes.

He now lives from the land, on eggs, wild plums and sacks of wheat that come down from the fields high in the mountain. We go to visit the ruin of his roadside restaurant, built in the days when tourists passed on the road to Sarajevo and Dubrovnik. But now the roads have been blocked.

They defend the valley by causing landslides from the hill on to the road to prevent the Serbs from coming back up along the river. The balconies of the modern apartment blocks in Ustipraca are filled with chopped wood. There are no cars, no electricity, and the telephones have been cut off.

There is a tranquillity in Ustipraca, peace among the charred houses in the shade of the mosque, which has a single shell hole left by passing Serbs making their point as they went through. Old men sit in the sun, surrounded by scrawny dogs looking for food and love, with hunting rifles ready for the Serbs if they come back.

In the village of Kopaci it is not so quiet. In Mehmed Mehovic’s back garden, under trees heavy with apples and plums, broken branches cover an 8ft long cluster bomb, designed to open in the air as it falls and send baby bombs scattering over his village. The cluster bomb did not explode and has been embedded in his back garden since June.

The sound of mortars boom outside. The Serbs are still mortaring the village from the distant hills. “It’s okay, they are only 105mm; they could be 155mm, they’ve used them before – takes the house away,” says the commander.

There is no cover, no cellar. The sound of the mortars landing is like the continuous sound of a door being slammed. An unemployed English-language enthusiast, aged 28, says: “Are you British, will you help us? Do you know that song from Black Sabbath – In the Ashes the Bodies Are Burning?”

Every day someone is injured or killed in Kopaci, but they have to hang on. There is nowhere to run to.

“Wait and listen for the whistle of the mortar, then you know it’s close” says Mehmed.

On Saturday afternoon Senad Niakonja, aged 10, was wheeled in his father’s barrow to see the doctor on the hill, to take out the mortar shrapnel in his back.

Among the refugees in Kopaci is Aldijana Hasecic, who tells us of Zehra Turjacanin’s ordeal. He will take us to see her, but first he wants to say that he has come from the woods near Visegrad and has seen the camp where Serbian men are taking Muslim women.

“It’s called Zamnica and it used to be an army barracks. It’s about 10 kilometres from Visegrad to the east. I went there early in the morning of August 9. It was 5am. The people that had escaped from the Chetniks told us there was a camp for Muslim women there. We went to see if we could save them, but it was too difficult. There were too many Chetniks. I didn’t see any of them being raped, but we know it’s happening. I saw them from the trees taking the young women out from the trucks and into the barracks.”

On the hill above the village of Medjedja the next day, a weeping woman in an orange polka-dot scarf says: “They took my daughter. They took all the girls from the village. We don’t know where they are. I haven’t seen her for four months”. Standing with her in the ruins of her house, where the only identifiable object is a scorched fridge freezer, are Hamed Sulejman and his wife, Kahriman. They have come to live in the woman’s woodshed. Kahriman says they were burnt out of their village and now her home is the woodshed where she lays out her jars of pickled fruit on a shelf above the mattress.

All along the mountain top are small burnt-out villages, clumps of houses where the people who have come out from the forests to live again among the ruins tell the same story, of how the Serbs came, looted their homes, burned them down and moved on.

In the lower hill, near Visegrad, a family of Muslims who fled from the town three months ago keep their bags packed in the sitting room. “We are ready to run if they come for us again,” says their son, Milos, who says he knows of the man called Milan Lukic. He says he watched him execute his friend, Hasan Veletovac, aged 16, on the bridge over the river Drina. “I was hiding in the attic of my house which looks over the bridge. They do the killing at night. They drink first in the Visegrad hotel. When the Chetniks go in ac tion they must drink. They bulldozed the two mosques in the main street in Visegrad so we wouldn’t come back.”

We came out through the trees and walked the last couple of miles into Visegrad, in the open along the road. At first no one seemed to notice two strangers in a town that had a population of 20,000 before all Muslims were driven out and into the valley – 10,000 people.

“All the Muslims have gone,” a journalist at the Visegrad radio station would say later, when he came to translate for us in the police headquarters. “Muslim extremists were responsible, they are on the hills around us. They attacked our church and now there is no mosque in this town.”

But first there is a little time to pass quietly to the main street, where on the corner with Bratislav Street rust coloured earth marks the spot where the first bulldozed mosque stood. Further down the street another mound marks the site of the second mosque.

Behind the supermarket on Bratislav Street, looking out on the cemetery, are the tired remains of a burnt-out house. A house that may have been the one where Zehra Turjacanin’s family and 60 others were burnt to death. We asked casually about a man called Milan Lukic.

“Yes,” said the Visegrad radio journalist. “He’s a policeman here. Not the chief, just an ordinary policeman.”

Papers checked. The English journalists are allowed to pass out of town in a police car with a kind Serb driver who offers cigarettes. A truck piled with furniture is parked outside the burnt-out shell of a two-storey house.

“Muslimanis,” he says, and drives us on through another 20 miles of charred Muslim homes and villages, through an apocalyptic rural wasteland that is the new Serbian republic of Bosnia.


Biljana Plavsic to be freed!

Posted in Uncategorized with tags , , , , , , , , on September 15, 2009 by visegrad92

A former citizen of  Sarajevo. Professor of Biology at the University of Sarajevo, Biljana Plavsic, rose up the Serb political ladder quiet fast. During the Bosnian Genocide she took part in the  dehumanization of  Bosniaks.

After making a deal with the prosecution, she pleaded guilty to one count in the indictment: crimes against humanity. Genocide charges were dropped due to the guilty plea.

*Note: Read this interesting article at Daniel’s Srebrenica Genocide Blog.

Exhumation of genocide victims in Slap, Zepa

Posted in Uncategorized with tags , , , , , , , , , , , , , on June 23, 2009 by visegrad92

It was the Drina river–which flows through Foca, Visegrad, Goradze, Zepa, and Slap on Zepa in the Podrinje region–that brought the first signs of the massacre in Visegrad to the neighboring villages. On a late spring day in 1992, 72-year-old Mehmed Tabakovic and some fellow villagers from Slap on Zepa found a dead body floating in the Drina river. “We took the body from the river and buried it in our village cemetery. Nobody knew who he was or what was happening,” Tabakovic said. But that was just the first body and hundreds more would follow. “The bodies stank badly. In 15 days, we took about 250 bodies from the river. But I’m sure there were many more that were sucked down to the floodgates where they remain trapped at the bottom of the river to this day.”

It was a clandestine operation that Tabakovic and the villagers conducted in the dark and quiet of night to avoid the Serbian snipers surrounding them on all sides from the hill tops. Together, some 50 villagers organized a secret volunteer brigade to haul the bodies out of the river and bury them unnoticed. A couple of the men were from Visegrad and could identify some of the bodies. “For me, the most terrible experience was when one 20-year-old boy recognized his mother’s body floating in the river,” he said.

Excerpt from “Has Anyone seen Milan Lukic? “, Anes Alic & Jen Tracy, 7.9.2001.

Bosnian Serb MP’s turn down Holocaust&Srebrenica rememberence days.

Posted in Uncategorized with tags , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , on May 13, 2009 by visegrad92

Holocaust deniers

Today (13.05) the B&H parliament voted on an initiative to proclaim 21 January as Holocaust Rememberence Day and 11 July as Srebrenica Rememberence Day. Bosnian Serb Members of Parliament from Republika Srpska(Republic of Srpska) voted against this initiative. The initiative was based on a European standard which Yad Vashem clearly shows and the European Parliament  Srebrenica Resolution.

Mass grave filled with Bosniak civilians. Thousands of Bosniaks were murdered by Bosnian Serb Army in a genocide in and around Srebrenica in July 1995.

Mass grave filled with Bosniak civilians. Thousands of Bosniaks were murdered by Bosnian Serb Army in a genocide in and around Srebrenica in July 1995.

Bosnian Serb Members of Parliament who voted against this initiative are:

  1. Milorad Zivkovic
  2. Slavko-Slavuj Jovicic
  3. Milica Markovic
  4. Drago Kalabic
  5. Lazar Prodanovic
  6. Zeljko Kuzmanovic
  7. Momcilo Novakovic
  8. Savo Eric
  9. Mirko Okolic
  10. Hadzi Jovan Mitrovic
  11. Branko Dokic

NEVER FORGET VISEGRAD GENOCIDE

Posted in Uncategorized with tags , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , on May 12, 2009 by visegrad92

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Bratunac Genocide Remembered

Posted in Uncategorized with tags , , , , , , , , , , , on May 12, 2009 by visegrad92
Narcisa Salihovic, six months old when she was murdered by Serb soldiers

Narcisa Salihovic, six months old when she was murdered by Serb soldiers

In solidarity with Bratunac.

Today the youngest victim to be laid to rest is 6 months old and the oldest 110 years old.

Today the youngest victim to be laid to rest is 6 months old and the oldest 110 years old.

Bratunac Genocide victims murdered systematically in 1992 by the Republika Srpska Army.

Bratunac Genocide victims murdered systematically in 1992 by the Republika Srpska Army.

Bosniak victims carried to their final resting place by family members and relatives.

Bosniak victims carried to their final resting place by family members and relatives.

The Vuk Karadzic School was a concentration camp in 1992.Bosniak civilians were beaten, humiliated and murdered.

Bratunac Genocide survivor, after months in Vuk Karadzic School concentration camp.

Bratunac Genocide survivor, after months in Vuk Karadzic School concentration camp.

Bosniak victim showing crosses drawn on his body with a knife by Republika Srpska Army soldiers.

Bosniak victim showing crosses drawn on his body with a knife by Republika Srpska Army soldiers.

NEVER FORGET BRATUNAC ’92

In Memoriam: Himzo Demir

Posted in Uncategorized with tags , , , , , , , , , , , , on May 9, 2009 by visegrad92

Himzo Demir, head-teacher of Višegrad High School.

Himzo Demir, head-teacher of Višegrad High School.

Himzo Demir was the head-teacher of Višegrad High School in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and had formerly been a chemistry teacher.He was 54 years old, and married with two sons. At the beginning of the war, the Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) took control of Višegrad, and began the large-scale persecution of the town’s Bosniac [Bosnian Muslim] population. Himzo Demir was summarily sacked from his job, as were many other Bosniacs who held influential positions in the local community. Mr Demir had also served as the headof the local government as a member of the Social Democratic Party (SDP).

At approximately 4pm on 28 May 1992 Himzo Demir was at home with his wife Sadija and one of his sons when five cars surrounded the house, and six or seven people wearing camouflage uniforms came to the door. Mrs Demir believes that these men were members of the “White Eagles”, a paramilitary group operating in eastern Bosnia, but mainly originating from Serbia. They said that they wanted to take Himzo Demir and his son for questioning. The couple’s eldest son was in Sarajevo at the time, but their younger 15-year-old son was with them. Mrs Demir begged the men not to take her son away, and they did not take him.

One member of the group – who was known to the family as one of Mr Demir’s former pupils – patted Himzo Demir on the shoulder, saying “You were the best school principal”. Others in the group spoke with accents which suggested to Mrs Demir that they came from what is now the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY). These men also searched the house for valuables and stole some jewellery that they found. Himzo Demir was driven away in a red “Lada” car and has not been seen since.

Five days after he was taken away, the deputy head of the school where Himzo Demir used to work asked Mrs Demir to provide him with the school’s official stamp. Mrs Demir believes that this stamp was needed to stamp certificates for students leaving at the end of that school year. Although Himzo Demir had been sacked, he was officially still the head of the school and would have been required to sign the certificates. She believes that her husband was still alive at this time, but believes that he was killed a few days later.

Mrs Demir asked the local police to help her find her husband, but received no information about the whereabouts of her husband. On 31 May she, and her son, fled from Višegrad and – after a period in hiding – eventually made their way to Goražde which was then controlled by the Bosnian Government, and where they still live.

Editor’s Note:Text taken from Amnesty International; Bosnia-Herzegovina: The “disappeared”: Himzo Demir – head-teacher: “disappeared from Visegrad

Lukić’s lawyers try to bribe witness

Posted in Uncategorized with tags , , , , , , on December 26, 2008 by visegrad92

Weeks after Hamdija Vilić testified how Milan Lukić’s defence tried to bribe him with 100,000 Euro to secure an alibi for Lukić’s crime in Pionirska ulica, Višegrad were over 70 civilians were burnt alive, Lukić’s defence lawyer Jason Alarid accused Bosnian secret police of having “an interest in bringing about the conviction of Milan Lukic.”

Picture: Hamdija Vilić testifying at the Hague.

Persecutor Dermot Groome responded by saying “Mr Alarid has made dozens of serious allegations, I will demonstrate the fallacy of all of these.”

Hamdija Vilić at court explained the offer he received from Lukić’s defence team:

“As Vilic recounted, in early June 2008 he was approached by some men who introduced themselves as the middlemen representing Milan Lukic’s defense team. They asked him if he would be prepared to give an official statement to the defense. Vilic accepted their offer as he ‘wanted to see’ what Lukic, who had ‘destroyed his life and family’, wanted from him. Later, the witness contends, the accused called him two times from the UN Detention Unit. On 22 June 2008 Vilic met Lukic’s middlemen and lawyers in Zavidovici; they offered him a prepared statement to sign. The statement said that Vilic, as a BH Army unit commander, kept Milan Lukic besiegd from 13 to 15 June 1995. Hamdija Vilic recounted how he was promised the accused would get him ‘everything he needs in life’, including €100,000 if he confirmed the claims in the statement in court.” (Sense Agency)

According to Vilić, Lukić also promised that he would ‘learn the truth’ about the fate of his family if he came to The Hague and testified in his favor. Vilić’s wife and three children were burnt alive in the Bikavac neighborhood on 27 June 1992. Lukić’s lawyer Jason Alarid, didn’t even bother denying that Vilic had been contacted yet he accused Vilić ‘of asking for money himself ‘.

Probably with this in mind the Trial Camber started a ex-parte investigation against members of the defense team for alleged involvement in attempts to ‘bribe and intimidate witnesses’. Lukić and his laywers caught red-handed replied with a call for the disqualification of the Trial Chamber including the presiding judge, current ICTY president, Judge Robinson.


BLOODY TRAIL OF BUTCHERY AT THE BRIDGE

Posted in Uncategorized with tags , , , on November 29, 2008 by visegrad92
Copyright 1996 Guardian Newspapers Limited
The Guardian (London)


March 11, 1996


SECTION: THE GUARDIAN FOREIGN PAGE; Pg. 9

LENGTH: 4467 words

HEADLINE: BLOODY TRAIL OF BUTCHERY AT THE BRIDGE;
Bosnia the secret war: Traumatised survivors tell Ed Vulliamy of the horrors perpetrated by one man against the people of Visegrad, in eastern Bosnia

BYLINE: Ed Vulliamy

BODY:

THE bridge that spans the River Drina’s lusty current at Visegrad is a Bosnian emblem. Bridge on the Drina is the title of a great work of literature by the country’s most celebrated author, Ivo Andric, a Nobel prize winner.

In Andric’s book, the bridge is at once backdrop and silent witness to Bosnia’s history.

It is a mighty and glorious structure spanning the river at a point where savage, precipitous rocks briefly part, giving way to a verdant valley. The water flowing through its elegant arches is a luminous blend of turquoise and jade. The bridge was built, as the carved inscription proudly declares, in 1571 by order of the Ottoman Grand Vezir Mehmet Pasha, of robust pumice stone hewn by Rade the Mason. “Of all the things that life drives man to shape and build,” wrote Andric, “none, I think, is as precious as bridges . . . They serve no arcane or evil purpose.”

Andric, who died in 1975, once complained that a house newly built in Visegrad obscured the view of the bridge from his home. The picture postcard above depicts Visegrad in peace time. Had the author lived into the 1990s, he might have been grateful for the obstruction. For in the hidden history of Bosnia’s war, the Bridge on the Drina was bloodily defiled.

It was turned into a slaughterhouse – a place of serial public execution – by a man we now reveal as one of the most brutal mass killers of the war. Virtually unknown, not indicted by the war crimes tribunal, this monster turned the Drina red with the blood of hundreds – maybe thousands – of Muslims murdered on the bridge, whose corpses the bold current swept downriver.

A few of the bodies were rescued from the waters by a teenager, whose quiet testimony begins the unveiling of butchery at the bridge.

JASMIN R’s fresh face belies what he knows. Jasmin was evacuated to Dublin last Christmas from a prison camp in Serbia, to which he had fled from the crushed Muslim enclave of Zepa, to which he had fled from Visegrad in 1992.

During his three years at Zepa, Jasmin, aged 14 on arrival, was considered too young to fight. Instead, he was assigned to a hamlet called Slap, a lonely junction between the Drina and Zepa rivers. There his job was to haul bloated corpses out of the Drina’s current as it flowed from Visegrad, bring them ashore in a small boat, often under Serbian fire, and give them a proper burial.

“We dug the graves,” he says calmly, “and buried 180 people. Some I knew personally, they had been my neighbours in Visegrad.” The Bosnian government calculates that probably about one in 20 bodies were salvaged.

Jasmin’s companion in this work was Mersud C, now based in a barracks for exiled Zepa soldiers up a front-line mountain in central Bosnia.

“The bodies came,” says Mersud, “almost every day. Men and women, old and young. They had been beaten and tortured, they were black and blue, and some had been decapitated. Yes, and there were children. Mostly 10 or 12, and two infants of about 18 months.”

Eighty-two corpses were identified. The graves were dug for one, three or five at a time, named or numbered, and ringed by a low fence.

Before the war, Mersud had spent summer evenings with friends on the bridge. “It was the place to meet before going for coffee. I read the Andric book, it was compulsary at school.”

The Serbian slaughter of Muslims in eastern Bosnia at the war’s inception was largely hidden from prying eyes.

Unknown to the outside world, on August 5 1994 a Serbian soldier from Visegrad called Milomir Obradovic, held prisoner in Muslim Gorazde, told his captors the story of one man: Milan Lukic. A UN policeman, Sergeant T. Cameron, took notes.

Obradovic told how Lukic paraded around Visegrad with a megaphone, shrieking: “Brother Serbs, it’s time to finish off the Muslims” and how Lukic set about achieving this goal.

Lukic, he said, locked men, women and children in houses and incinerated them. He arrived at factories, took employees out and shot them – for a while he kept the wife of one such victim, Igbala Raferovic, as a captive sexual partner.

Lukic tied a man to his car with a tow-rope and dragged him round town until he was dead. One member of Lukic’s gang, “The Wolf”, raped one of the girls they kept prisoner for the purpose at the Vilina Vlas spa hotel so violently that when the rest demanded their turn the girl, Jasna Ahmedspahic, jumped out of a window to her death.

There were two massacres in May 1992, said Obradovic. At a village called Prelevo, Lukic took men off buses shipping Muslims out of Visegrad, lay them face down and shot them. “There is,” confessed Obradovic, “a mass grave at Prelevo.”

Another convoy of refugees was stopped by Lukic at Dragomilje, the men again taken and shot. Obradovic told of mass murder on Visegrad’s bridge, adding that the killing was sanctioned by the Yugoslav army.

By a cruel twist, Obradovic’s captors exchanged him, apparently unaware of his value. The witness was lost. Obradovic has not been heard of since, and any investigator might wonder whether he met the same fate as another Serb official who objected to Lukic’s mass murder, Stanko Petcikoza. Obradovic said Lukic murdered him.

But, following the trail of Lukic’s bloodlust, the Guardian has reconstructed the case, and found other witnesses to the Visegrad carnage scattered across Bosnia and Europe. Their testimonies interweave like threads in a tapestry. There is no Muslim from Visegrad who does not know what Milan Lukic did on their bridge, and there are very few who do not mourn in his wake.

Mersud the gravedigger knew the man whose victims he pulled from the river; they had been neighbours. Lukic, now about 30, was born in the village of Rujiste, said Mersud, and “seemed a good guy”. Another neighbour called Omer, now in Sarajevo, said that Lukic’s family had been “fervent Chetniks in the second world war”. Lukic moved to Serbia after leaving high school to keep a cafe in Obrenovac, near Belgrade, but returned as the clouds of war gathered in spring 1992.

Lukic assembled a gang of 15 braves, including his brother Milos, cousin Sredoje, a chum from Belgrade called Deyan Jeftic and a waiter, Mitar Vasiljevic. Before long Lukic committed the first murder in Visegrad’s war.

Mirsada K. was at home when she heard a shot next door. The little girl from the household came running to Mirsada’s house, saying her mother Bakha Zukic was dead, shot in the back, and her father Dzemo taken. The man who had fired the shot was Milan Lukic: he had taken a fancy to Dzemo’s new red Volkswagen Passat, and had made off with both man and car.

Dzemo Zukic was never seen again, but the car became omnipresent. From that day hence – as another witness, Fehima D., said: “If the red Passat arrived at your house, you knew something terrible was about to happen to you.” Thus Milan Lukic sparked an orgy of violence which emptied Visegrad of 14,500 Muslims.

The bridge was not the only killing field. Women have survived to bear witness to Lukic’s house-burnings. Her hands and face deformed by fire, Zehra T. was the sole survivor of an inferno at Bakovica, above the bridge, on June 27, in which 71 people were incinerated.

Esma K. was herded into a stadium and thence to a house with 60 others. The Passat arrived at 5pm. Within four hours, she said: “The sky was light because the house was in flames.” Esma escaped through a window.

A man called Hasan Ajanovic survived a cull of men in the house of a waiter called Meho. Meho had worked alongside Lukic’s waiter-henchman Vasiljevic at the Panos restaurant. Six men, including Meho and his son Ekhem, were driven to the riverbank in a convoy led by Lukic and Vasiljevic, where they were lined up and shot. Hasan jumped into the water before he was hit, and was shielded by Meho’s floating corpse.

But the bloodiest arena was the bridge itself. The structure is visible from almost every balcony and window in Visegrad, which climbs both sides of the valley. Its cobblestones are a stage at the foot of an amphitheatre; the executions were intended to be as public as possible.

From her balcony, Fehida D. watched. She saw “Lukic, in his Passat, and the trucks behind, arriving on the bridge each evening”. The gang would unload their human cargo, and the killing began. “We saw them by day or by the city lights, whether they were killing men that time, women or children. It took half an hour, sometimes more.”

The Serbs usually stabbed people into various states between life and death before throwing them into the water below. “Sometimes they would throw people off alive,” Fehida recalled, “shooting at the same time. Sometimes they would make them swim a bit, then shoot.”

One witness, Admir H., recalled Lukic enjoying music from the Passat’s radio while throwing two men into the river. “I can’t swim!” protested one of them, Samir, as Lukic fired into the water.

At the end of June a Visegrad police inspector, Milan Josipovic, received a macabre complaint from downriver, from the management of Bajina Basta hydro-electric plant across the Serbian border. The plant director said could whoever was responsible please slow the flow of corpses down the Drina? They were clogging up the culverts in his dam at such a rate that he could not assemble sufficient staff to remove them. The dam is well downriver from Jasmin’s and Mersud’s Zepa graveyard – their 180 bodies were a small fraction of the total.

Hasena M. lived in a first floor flat, 150 yards from the riverbank in Visegrad. By July 15 she had spent 12 days wondering whether her husband Nusret was alive. He had been taken by a Serbian neighbour he had known well, Dragan Tomic, and disappeared.

Hasena set off for work at 6.30, across the bridge as usual, to find Lukic already busy at that unusual hour. “Two young men with their hands tied behind their backs” were being executed to the sound of his car radio.

At lunchtime, Lukic came by Hasena’s factory to promise that the time had come to “finish off the Muslims” remaining in Visegrad. Hasena and her three Muslim workmates left early, electing to take another route home. Looking upriver at the old bridge, they saw 15 men lined up and killed. Terrified, Hasena hid at home for four days with her daughters Nusreta and Nermina, aged eight and six.

In the afternoon of July 19, the red Passat pulled up outside Hasena’s flat, into which her elderly parents and sister had moved. Milan and Milos Lukic, armed with machine guns, kicked the door open. Hasena’s children were playing outside. Their turn had come.

“Milan Lukic said that in the next 15 minutes he would kill us all,” recalled Hasena. She was sent outside to fetch the little girls, but implored her Serbian neighbours to hide them; the neighbours refused. So Hasena and her girls slipped unheard past her own front door to an empty flat on the third floor.

From there Hasena heard Lukic ask: “Where’s the third woman?” She heard her mother Ramiza call for her, but waited. From a window she saw Lukic march her mother and sister Asima out into the Passat, and drive towards the bridge. Hasena followed, to a vantage point near a school.

Halfway across the river, the bridge widens to form a lovely overhang above the current called the Sofa, a Turkish word. Here is a bench of fine flagstones where people can sit comfortably, leaning back against the parapet, which reclines. This was where Hasena used to chat with her friends. But not on July 19.

“I watched them put my mother and sister astride the parapet, like on a horse,” Hasena said. “I could hear both women screaming, until they were shot in the stomach. They fell into the water; themen laughing as they watched. The water went red.”

This was the beginning of Hasena’s calvary. She hid overnight in an empty house with the children, returning home at dawn to seek out her invalid father, who was unable to walk.

“My father said: ‘Go. Take the girls, run away. You obviously can’t take me. I’ll wait here until they come for me. Go.’ I looked at him, and then at my girls. I made him some breakfast and he said: ‘Come here, my daughter, so I can kiss you the last time.’ He kissed me and the girls, and we left him sitting there, alone.”

When the Serbs caught up with Hasena, they took her and the girls to a house full of other Muslim women, where they were held captive for two months. Many women from Visegrad say they “shared a house with other women” during that summer. That is all. Some details, if spoken, can destroy any attempt to rebuild life.

On September 13, Hasena was moved. And now her story adds another, fresh name to the grisly list of Serbian concentration camps in Bosnia: Uzamnica.

Hasena was kept in a crowded hangar of this disused barracks for three years, while her daughters lost their childhood. “I used to look at them in the morning, asleep, locked in while the sun was shining outside, and cry.”

Uzamnica was a forced labour camp, so that when they were outside Hasena and her girls were working, even six-year-old Nermina. It was hard labour, dawn-to-dusk, planting tomatoes or feeding cattle. The only food the Serbs provided for their Muslim prisoners was forbidden pork.

Lukic was a regular visitor to Uzamnica. “He came every day, wild, saying ‘I’ll kill you filthy gypsies’ ” – beating and abusing prisoners at will.

The screams of pain, said Hasena, came mainly from the men’s quarters. Each week, convoys of male prisoners would leave the camp, heading into Serbia, never to be seen again. Last October Hasena and her girls were exchanged, and made it to Sarajevo.

Visegrad is now a baleful, watchful town. It is awful to look down at the vigorous current gliding beneath the Sofa and its parapet, and to wonder that this was the last thing those terrified, mutilated people saw as they plunged.

But Visegrad is still home to the Ivo Andric library, the finest collection of his books in the world. The librarian, Stojka Mijatovic, offered us a volume, a gift. “We have taken so many books from Muslim houses we hardly know what to do with them,” she said.

Mrs Mijatovic had once presented this very edition of Andric to the library’s most regular and best-loved client. Now she had it back, looted from the dead man’s house.

“Would you like me to cross out this Muslim name?” she offered. “No thank you.” The dedication from the library was to Emir Ajanovic, a relative of the witness to the murder of Osman’s father and brother.

Would you ever want to see the bridge again? Osman and Fehida shuddered. “Never.”

And Hasena? She shivered. “Never. Not if I lived a thousand years. I wish I could drive that bridge from my mind, but I see it as though I were there now. That bridge will drive me mad.”

Looking for Milan Lukic is a dangerous pastime. The bush telegraph informs us that he is now back in Obrenovac, Serbia, and a wealthy man.

It is a drab, faceless town and the glass-fronted Viski Bar he is said to have managed is a comfortless place, scantily patronised and blaring out Montenegrin folk music. An inquiry as to Mr Lukic’s whereabouts is met with a stony glare charged with menace, and not sensibly challenged.

But there was one, ominous, recent sighting. A Muslim soldier from Zepa, present at the fall of the enclave in 1995, said he saw Lukic with the Serbian army patrolling the columns of Muslim fighters as they lined up to surrender. He was looking for anyone he recognised, and shouting: “Anyone from Visegrad step out of the line! Anyone from Visegrad!” Even then, it seemed, Lukic’s work at the Bridge on the Drina was unfinished.

LOAD-DATE: March 13, 1996

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